Finance for development Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Finance for development - Essay Example Laws and economic policies differ in different countries; hence the financial sector development and economic growth also differ in different countries. Reforms of financial sector in BRIC or emerging countries started after the 2008/2009 global financial crisis. Ranking of financial development can be measured using Financial Development Index. This index is determined by various factors affecting the financial sector such as policies, financial intermediation, and financial access. The figure below shows how such factors interrelate to determine financial development index of a given economy or country. Due to the economic potential of BRIC economies, financial institutions have increased significantly in such countries. The figure below shows the number of banks that entered advanced economies and emerging economies between 1995 and 2009. The figure above shows that there were more banks entering emerging markets between 1995 and 2009 than banks entering advanced economies. Increased financial market participants and factors affecting financial sector development in emerging countries have caused general increase in financial index performance of BRIC economies as shown below. From the graph, it is clear that china’s financial sector development is greater than other BRIC economies, followed by Brazil, India and Russia consecutively. However, China’s financial development index dropped in 2012. This may be attributed to the decrease in banking financial services scores. The country also performed poorly in terms of financial sector liberalization, bond market development and insurance development in 2012. On the other hand, Russia’s financial development index improved in 2012 due to improvements in financial markets pillar and equity development sub-pillar. In terms of economic growth, China remains the best performing due to its increase in economic growth rate from 2009 to 2012 followed by India,

Feminism and Politics Today Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Feminism and Politics Today - Essay Example Feminists from England, France, and the US have had a significant success in involving women in organizations entrusted with decision-making. However, there has been an increased female participation in politics in many parts of Europe. These participations have given rise to a reduction in domestic violence, promotion of divorce rights, and child custody rights over the last four decades. In Ugandan, women had a different technique of growing their political participation. At the time guerrilla war between 1981-5, women used a major contribution (Finley & Stringer 2010). These women put in place policies that favored them too and, as a result, it made them at par with men in decision-making positions. The problem of marriages in India has for a long time become a question of concern for most Indian women. Marriage related deaths have been on the rise, and this made the Indian feminists fight for equal marriage rights. Initially, men had a lot of favors in matters of marriage. They e njoyed marriage rights that deprived women of their rights too. Apart from marriage rights, For example, Indian feminists fought for property, marriage, and divorce rights that favored men for a long time. As a result, in 1934, a bill was passed that protects the rights of women, and this was achieved to change the order that had existed for a long time. In Mexico, women joined organizations that inculcated in them public confidence. The confidence they gained helped them to argue courageously out their rights (Glenn 2010).

Issues In Sport And Touch Football Sociology Essay

Issues In Sport And Touch Football Sociology Essay This research explores the way gender is perceived and constructed within the examined roles of touch football referees, with the aim of investigating gender equity relative to the participation and experience of female referees in touch football. The key questions of this thesis emanate from concerns around the equitable distribution of officiating sports roles. This concern also extends to individuals who may want to shift from participating in sporting activities just as participants to officiating in sports. Officiating and volunteering roles in sport have typically been highly gendered, with females over-represented in lower status roles. Females have tended to dominate the non-paid volunteer positions in sporting operations, while males are typically over-represented in leadership roles. This inequity has been strongly rallied against by researchers who have adopted a gender focus in their research. This thesis contends that the sporting practice of touch football, whilst considered by many to be a sporting practice that is reflective of current societal norms and values, could benefit from a gendered analysis. In order to operationalise the research, a case study approach was adopted which examined the role of female referees officiating in a locally-based senior mixed touch football competition. The role of referees in the local touch football competition presents a number of unique factors which are highly beneficial to this study. Refereeing in the competition is open to both males and females in the mixed competition. The selection of referees is through an administrative process that involves a number of relevant processes that draw on broader gender equity issues such as credentialism and professionalism, as well as simple gender bias. Theoretically the research approach has drawn on elements of the work of Norbert Elias, in particular the concept of figurationalism, and also the post-structuralist approach from Actor Network Theory [ANT]. The methodologies and analysis explore the site of touch football in a small rural setting through engaging with the touch football participants experiences of playing and officiating in the role of referee in the competition. The research is significant for several reasons and at different levels. First, Australian Government policies such as the Active Women: National Policy for Women and Girls in Sport, Recreation and Physical Activity, 1999-2002 (1999a), and How to include Women and Girls in Sport, Recreation and Physical Activity: Strategies and Good Practice (1999b) require Australian sport institutions to foster sporting cultures that allow and value the full involvement of females in every aspect of sport. Second, societal practices that support inequities are persistent and will re-emerge as dominant forms if they are not subjected to critical examination and leadership given for just change. Third, at a game administration level, gender equity is identified as a key strategy to ensure the long-term growth of the sporting practice by ensuring equal opportunities in all aspects of the game. Fourth, at a game and individual level, the inclusion of an appropriate gender mix will help to neutralise unwanted masculine traits of overt aggression and sexist behaviour from the sport. Female participation in the referee role that is reflective of the female player cohort will arguably help to shape the sporting practice to reflect the shared values of a mixed competition, focusing on the positive social and physical benefits of the game. Last, the research area is of keen interest to the researcher and is an area of inquiry where there is prior knowledge of the location of roles within the sporting practice, and a capacity and ease for the researcher to engage with those involved at the local level. 1.2 Research hypothesis This thesis seeks to explore whether a gendered approach to examining a local touch football competition will assist in improving the outcomes of both males and females in relation to officiating within the sport. Therefore, this thesis is concerned with the equitable representation of female referees in the local mixed touch football competition. Individuals understandings of gender differences within the role of referee and applicable strategies to address gender equity will frame the thesis. This thesis is best read as a preliminary analysis of gender equity in refereeing within the sporting practice of touch football. The research is approved by the CQUniversity Human Research Ethics Committee [H12/02-019], Queensland Touch Association and Central Queensland Touch Association. 1.3 Research background 1.3.1 Key concerns in sport Sport has historically attracted considerable attention from social theorists and commentators, with approaches ranging from macro and meta-analysis of sporting behaviours and outcomes to micro approaches that examine the everyday and mundane elements of sport. This thesis adopts a gendered, post-structuralist approach to exploring the key issue of gender equity in the roles of officiating in sport. In the next section, a background will be given of the key concerns that helped shape the research process and an introduction to touch football will assist the uninitiated to the sporting practice. An elementary understanding of the sporting practice, together with a familiarity with the general history and values embedded in the sporting practice will assist in a reading of the research. 1.3.1.1 Gender in sport The research adopts a gendered approach as gender is seen as an important social construct. The construct of gender can be used to uncover and understand better sporting practices, offering an opportunity to improve the individual and collective outcomes that are associated with particular sports. The sociology of gender has developed in line with successive waves of the feminists movement and creates an intellectual endeavour in its own right (Weedon 1997). This thesis uses a working definition of gender as a system of social practices as a means to interrogate the social arrangements of touch football (Ridgeway and Smith-Lovin 1999, p. 192). The gendered social practices establish and maintain gender distinctions, differences and inequalities. Relationships between actors are organised to some extent on those distinctions, differences and inequalities. Gender represents those social, cultural and psychological traits linked to males and females through particular social contexts an d translations. Debate remains on all elements that comprise feminist theory, but basically, the consensus is that a theory is feminist if it can be used to contest a status quo that is damaging to females (Chafetz 1988; Hall 1996). Feminists work through various avenues to increase females empowerment. Feminists accept the goal of ending sexism by empowering females (Weedon 1997), though there is a great deal of disparity about how that goal can be achieved. One interpretation is that there are numerous femininities and masculinities which are more multiple than singular or bi-polar expressions of gender. Miller (2009, p. 127) contends masculinity [and femininity] is best viewed not as a property or an essence, but as a series of contingent signs and practices that exercise power over both males and females, and to know it is to shift it, not just to love it. The processes and relationships through which males and females conduct their gendered lives should be the focus of researchers (Connell 2005). Males and females cannot be defined as being a certain gender, as their gender is a fluid aspect of their identity that is not constrained to one of a finite number of gender categories. However, outcomes for males and females differ, which subsequently introduces a challenging tension with conceptualisations of gender as subjectively fluid and yet objectively presenting as correlated to differing outcomes. The demand to formulate opportunities for females to successfully compete in sport then becomes both complex and highly disputed (Hall 1996; Hargreaves 1994). This is illustrated in debates over separatist sporting activities as opposed to mixed competitions, or with regards to the imbalance in media representations of females sport compared to males sport. As a clear reminder of the relevancy of gender equity in sport, the World Economic Forums Global Gender Gap Index shows that Australia is ranked twenty-third out of one hundred and thirty-five nations on a series of gender-based disparities, with a considerable decline in the relative progress (Hausmann, Tyson, Bekhouche and Zahidi 2011). 1.4 Research approach why studying touch football is important The research involves a case study of a locally-based senior mixed touch football competition. The next section provides a contextualisation for the research by describing key elements of touch football. A brief history of the game of touch football in Australia is also presented. 1.4.1 Key elements of touch football 1.4.1.1 Getting to the field of play  [1]   1.4.1.1.1 The playing field and the ball Touch football, also known as touch rugby or touch, is typically played on a rectangular field, and measures seventy metres in length from score line to score line  [2]  and fifty metres in width (Touch Football Australia 2007). The playing surface is normally grass however, other surfaces may be used. The game is played with an oval, inflated ball slightly smaller than rugby league and rugby union balls. The official ball size is thirty-six centimetres long and fifty-five centimetres in circumference (Touch Football Australia 2007). 1.4.1.1.2 Mode of play The aim of the game of touch football is for each team to score touchdowns  [3]  and to prevent the opposition from scoring (Touch Football Australia 2007). The ball may be passed, flicked, knocked, handed or thrown [but not kicked] sideways or backwards between teammates who can run or else move with the ball in an attempt to gain territorial advantage and score (Touch Football Australia 2007). Defending players prevent the attacking team  [4]  from gaining a territorial advantage by touching  [5]  the ball carrier or attacking players may initiate touches at which point, play stops and is restarted with a roll ball  [6]  (Touch Football Australia 2007). 1.4.1.1.3 Possession Unless other rules apply, the team with the ball is entitled to six touches prior to changing possession with the opposing team (Touch Football Australia 2007). Following the sixth touch or the loss of possession due to any other means, players of the team losing possession are to hand or pass the ball to the nearest opposition player, or place the ball on the ground at the mark  [7]  without delay (Touch Football Australia 2007). Attacking players who ask for the ball are to be handed the ball. Players are not to delay the changeover procedure. 1.4.1.1.4 Defending From the tap  [8]  for the start of the game or from a penalty, the defending team must be at least ten metres from the point of the tap (Touch Football Australia 2007). After making a touch, the defending team must retreat the distance the referee marks, at least five metres from the mark where the touch occurred, and remain there until the half  [9]  touches the ball (Touch Football Australia 2007). If a player does not retreat the entire distance the referee marked, they are considered offside. If a player makes an attempt to defend whilst inside this distance, they will be penalised. 1.4.1.1.5 Scoring A touchdown is awarded when a player [without being touched and other than the half] places the ball on the ground on or over the teams attacking score line and within the boundaries of the touchdown zone  [10]  (Touch Football Australia 2007). A touchdown is worth 1 point. The team who at the end of play has scored the most touchdowns is declared the winner. In the event of neither team scoring, or in the event of both teams scoring the same number of touchdowns, a draw is declared. 1.4.1.1.6 The half The half [or acting half] is subject to a number of restrictions that do not apply to other players. If the half is touched with the ball, the attacking team loses possession. The half cannot score a touchdown since trying to do so results in a change of possession. If the half takes too long to retrieve the ball, the referee can call play on and defenders are allowed to move forward before the half has touched the ball. 1.4.1.1.7 Commencement/recommencement of play Play is started by a tap at the beginning of each half, following a touchdown and when a penalty is awarded. The tap is performed by an attacking player placing the ball on the ground at or behind the mark  [11]  , releasing both hands from the ball, touching the ball with either foot a distance of not more than one metre and retrieving the ball cleanly (Touch Football Australia 2007). The defensive team must stay at a minimum distance of ten metres from the mark during the tap, unless they are positioned on their own score line. The defensive players can move after the ball carrier has touched the ball with their foot. The player who has performed the tap may be touched without losing possession. The attacking side must be positioned behind the ball when it is tapped. The attacking side may move the ball up to ten metres directly behind the given mark when taking a penalty tap. In this case, the defending side must still remain ten metres from the original mark, not the new mark . 1.4.1.1.8 Player attire All participating players are to be correctly attired in team uniforms. Uniforms typically consist of upper apparel [t-shirts or polo shirts], shorts [or briefs for female players] and socks with footwear (Touch Football Australia 2007). Shoes with screw-in studs are not to be worn by any player. Light leather or synthetic boots with soft-moulded soles are permitted, as long as individual studs are no longer than thirteen millimetres (Touch Football Australia 2007). All players are to wear an identifying number clearly displayed on the front or rear of the upper garment (Touch Football Australia 2007). Players are not to participate in any match while wearing any item of jewellery. Long or sharp fingernails are to be trimmed or taped. 1.4.1.2 Administration of touch football 1.4.1.2.1 The referee, line judges and touchdown zone officials, and the importance of the whistle Touch football must have at least one referee to officiate the game but most major games encompass one central referee and two sideline referees, who interchange roles constantly throughout the game (Touch Football Australia 2007). The central referee is the sole judge on matters of fact and is required to arbitrate on the rules of the game during play (Touch Football Australia 2007). The central referee may impose any sanction necessary to control the match and in particular, award penalties for infringements against the rules (Touch Football Australia 2007). Line judges and touchdown zone officials assist the central referee with tasks associated with sidelines, score lines and touchdown zone lines, and other matters at the discretion of the central referee. Their normal duties include indicating the ten metres distance for taps from a penalty, controlling substitutions, matters of backplay and other advice when sought by the central referee (Touch Football Australia 2007). The central referee must have a whistle to control the game. The start of play and a touchdown are signalled by long whistle blasts. A sixth touch, short whistle blast and the end of play, a long, fluctuating whistle blast (Touch Football Australia 2007). The standard whistle in Australia is the Acme Thunderer fifty-eight point five. 1.4.1.3 Rules of the game 1.4.1.3.1 Team composition and substitution A team consists of fourteen players, no more than six of who are allowed on the field at any time (Touch Football Australia 2007). In mixed competitions, the maximum number of males allowed on the field of play is three (Touch Football Australia 2007). The minimum male requirement on the field of play is one (Touch Football Australia 2007). Players may substitute at any time during the game in keeping with the interchange procedure (Touch Football Australia 2007, p. 10). There is no limit to the number of times a player may interchange, but substitutions can only be made from players who are registered at the commencement of the game (Touch Football Australia 2007). 1.4.1.3.2 Duration The match is forty-five minutes duration, entailing two twenty minute halves. There is a five minute half time break. When time expires play is to continue until the ball next becomes dead  [12]  (Touch Football Australia 2007). Should a penalty be awarded during this period, the penalty is to be taken. 1.4.1.3.3 Competition points Points are awarded in competition matches throughout the season. Teams are awarded three points for a win or a bye, two points for a draw and one point for a loss or a forfeit (Touch Football Australia 2007). 1.4.1.3.4 Penalty A penalty is to be awarded for an infringement by any player in line with the rules of the game (Touch Football Australia 2007). For example, a penalty is awarded to the non-offending team if the ball is passed forward, a touch and pass is committed, a player does not perform the roll ball at the mark, an obstruction is committed, a defending player does not retreat in a straight line to an onside position, a player is offside [on-field player or substitute], and a player acts in contradiction of the rules or spirit of the game (Touch Football Australia 2007). 1.4.1.3.5 Positions Teams are split into three positions, two middles [the central players], two wings [the players on either edge of the field] and two links [the players between the wings and middles]. 1.4.1.3.6 Grades Touch football is normally played in four different ability categories ranging from A grade [the most competitive] through B, C and D grade [the most inexperienced and usually the least competitive]. 1.4.2 The history of touch football in Australia  [13]   Touch football has evolved over time and is now considered to be a relatively fast-paced game. Changes in the structure of the sport have enabled the development of touch football to proceed. 1.4.2.1 From humble beginnings The game of touch football has humble beginnings. Historically applied as a training model for rugby league and rugby union teams over the summer months of the 1950s and 1960s, it was originally not seen as a sport in its own right (Touch Football South Australia n.d.). Progressively more people, explicitly males over twenty-five years of age  [14]  , were recruited to touch football teams and formal competitions were established (Touch Football Western Australia 2007; Townsville Castle Hill Touch Association n.d.). The popularity of touch football was credited to the game being considered relatively safe compared to rugby league and rugby union (Touch Football Victoria 2009). Touch football was also considered to be a social activity affording the prospect for participants and supporters to gather in a relaxed sport setting. The first formal game of touch football in Australia was reportedly held in South Sydney, a strong traditional rugby league area (Touch Football Western Australia 2007). The South Sydney Touch Association was formed in 1968 and convened a competition at Pioneer Park, Malabar in that year (Touch Football South Australia n.d.; Touch Football Victoria 2009). Not long after, the sport gained popularity in a number of inner-city areas of Sydney. Consequently, the New South Wales Touch Association was formed in 1972, incorporating the six regions of Southern Suns, Sydney Scorpions, Sydney Rebels, Sydney Mets, Hunter Western Hornets and Northern Eagles, and about 1,500 registered players (Shilbury and Kellett 2006; Touch Football South Australia n.d.). The first country association was in Wagga Wagga, which was formed in 1973, and womens touch football was first played at a representative level in 1979 (Touch Football South Australia n.d.; Touch Football Victoria 2009). Touch football appealed to ex-rugby players retired from the game through age or injury, and to players not willing or capable of playing rugby, but interested in playing a form of rugby (Touch Football South Australia n.d.; Touch Football Victoria 2009). An increased awareness in fitness in the adult population and the availability of former rugby players to take part, all served to develop the game (Touch Football South Australia n.d.; Touch Football Victoria 2009). 1.4.2.2 The development of a touch football identity Subsequently, touch football later appeared in numerous other New South Wales country regions before it became an official sport in Brisbane (Touch Football South Australia n.d.; Touch Football Victoria 2009). From there the game developed in every other State and Territory in Australia, and the Australian Touch Association, now trading as Touch Football Australia, was founded in November 1978 (Touch Football South Australia n.d.; Touch Football Victoria 2009). With the establishment of these associations, game rules came to be standardised. However, a formal rule book was not developed until late in 1980 (Touch Football Victoria 2009). In September 1981, the sport agreed to change its name from touch football to touch  [15]  , though to many the sport has also been known as touch rugby (Touch Football Australian Capital Territory 2007). A number of other changes resulted, such as the introduction of an official touch ball, which is notably smaller than both league and union balls, and the playing field size lessened, seventy metres by fifty metres (Touch Football South Australia n.d.; Touch Football Victoria 2009). Major rule changes occurred during this period, moving from seven players per side, which was implemented in 1980, to six-a-side (Touch Football Australian Capital Territory 2007; Touch Football Victoria 2009). Shortly after, the marker  [16]  was removed from the roll ball and the half was prevented from being able to s core a touchdown (Touch Football Australian Capital Territory 2007). Recently, the Australian Touch Association has rebranded the sport as touch football in an attempt to clarify that it is a sport with a ball (Touch Football South Australia n.d.). While tackles and scrums are not elements of touch football, Touch Football Victoria (2009) suggested employing the term touch rugby lends itself to an impression that the sport may be of a rough, physical nature, which is anything but reality. Touch football was originally played under rugby league laws without activities that comprised hard physical contact (Coffey 2010). The simplicity, skills-based motion and avoidance of full-contact, together with team [social and communication] benefits and minimum equipment requirements, have become distinctive elements of the modern game. 1.4.2.3 Elite competition emerges While the majority of touch football games are played at a local competition level, State level competitions have featured prominently in touch football. The earliest interstate clashes in touch football occurred when the Brisbane Touch Association representative team played the South Sydney team in 1973, 1974 and 1975 (Touch Football South Australia n.d.; Touch Football Victoria 2009). In the development of a standard set of rules for the sport, there has been a history of negotiated arrangements. For example, South Sydney wanted to have interstate matches played ten-a-side but Brisbane would not allow this, and the matches were played eight-a-side on a standard-sized rugby league field, measuring one hundred and twelve to one hundred and twenty-two metres by sixty-eight metres (Touch Football South Australia n.d.; Touch Football Victoria 2009). One of the games in the series was played as a curtain raiser to an interstate rugby league clash (Touch Football South Australia n.d.; Tou ch Football Victoria 2009). Touch football was played as a curtain raiser to the Sydney rugby league grand final in 1976 (Touch Football South Australia n.d.; Touch Football Victoria 2009). In December 1980, the inaugural National Championships were organised on the Gold Coast. This was essentially a contest between New South Wales and Queensland (Touch Football South Australia n.d.). Only three divisions were contested in that year, the open mens and womens, and over thirty-five mens, and included about 700-1,000 officials and players (Touch Football South Australia n.d.; Touch Football Western Australia 2007). By 1995, the National Championships provided for eleven divisions, together with 1,500 officials and players (Touch Football Victoria 2009). Development of the game meant that by 2005 the National Touch League [formerly the National Championships] catered for open, under twenties and senior divisions (Touch Football Western Australia 2007). 1.4.2.4 The rise of Internationalism  [17]   The success of the interstate clashes sparked interest in International competitions. In 1985, the Federation of International Touch was formed in Melbourne with Papua New Guinea, Canada, the USA, Fiji, New Zealand and Australia constituting the first members (Touch Football Victoria 2009). The first recognised International game was a test series played between Australia and New Zealand at the South Melbourne Cricket Ground on 23 March 1985 (Touch Football Victoria 2009). The game has continued to expand overseas with the last World Cup in Edinburgh, Scotland attracting teams from twenty-six countries, including Spain, South Africa, Japan, USA, Scotland, Singapore and the Cook Islands among others (Federation of International Touch 2011a; 2011b). Touch football was a National phenomenon based on participant skill and teamwork, with a degree of fitness thrown in at the elite level (Coffey 2010). The non-contact format that allows participation by all ages and both genders, even in mixed form has helped the sport to gain popularity. 1.5 Referee demand in touch football As mentioned earlier, the development of touch football and an associated playing code for the game has clearly established the role of officials as arbiters of the game. While there is clarity over the need for officials in the touch football competition and a playing code is well established, there is a level of ambiguity in the sporting practice which allows for negotiated changes to the playing environment and to particular interpretations of the rules of play. As is common in most sports, the performance of referees is a discussion point that can cause some levels of concern. Officiating in sports can be a difficult task, particularly in a fast-moving sport in which there is a level of interpretation and limited technological assistance at the local level to aid referees. At a sports administration level, the demand for referees at local sporting fixtures has frequently been mentioned over the past ten years (Touch Football Australian Capital Territory 2009; Touch Football Austr alia 2010b; Touch Football Victoria 2011). The unmet demand has led to the establishment of numerous broad recruitment and retention strategies. The success of these strategies varies within different levels of the sport. This thesis contends that touch football represents more than simply a new game and is in fact, an opportunity to better understand the gendered nature of sporting activities. The thesis sets about this issue through a case study of a locally-based senior mixed touch football competition. The aim is to gain a better understanding of the gendered nature of refereeing roles through personal interviews with participants, together with female referees in the competition. This gendered understanding will arguably facilitate better recruitment and retention strategies for female referees in touch football. 1.6 Structure of the thesis This thesis will explore perceptions and constructions of gender within the roles of touch football referees and suggest ideas for recruitment and retention. Chapter Two examines relevant theoretical concerns proceeding from the work of Norbert Elias and the post-structuralist works of Bruno Latour. It then reviews the literature regarding gender in sport. Chapter Three discusses the research approach that was utilised. It then describes the methods that have been chosen to explore the gendered nature of refereeing roles in touch football and the data analysis methods. It concludes by discussing ethical considerations in the research process and the limitations of the research. Chapter Four describes the findings from the research. The desktop research results are presented first. These results are presented in a quantitative format that empirically describes the gender breakdown of the sport. Second, the qualitative data that was obtained from the in-depth interviews with the eleven members of the touch organisation is presented. This data was compiled after the initial quantitative research was completed in the research process. Participant observation results are presented third. Chapter Five discusses the findings that resulted from the research. The significance of the findings is then discussed. Chapter Six, the conclusion, suggests directions for future research. CHAPTER TWO: Literature Review 2.1 Introduction In Chapter One the preliminary argument is proposed that touch football is a unique sporting practice entailing a continuum of social practices and values that are in many ways gendered. This chapter will broaden this discussion through an exploration of the sociological literature

Snow Goose Overpopulation Essay -- essays research papers

The Overpopulation of the Snow Goose in North America Abstract The purpose of this paper is to explore available research on the overpopulation of the Snow Goose on the North American continent. The snow goose has been rising in population since the middle of the century and has been escalating so much it is destroying their natural habitat. Wildlife managers have just recently begun to implement strategies to combat this problem. Mainly through the use of hunters the managers are trying to curb the population growth. Introduction There are three main species of Snow Goose of primary concern. The Lesser Snow Goose (LSGO) is the must abundant and at the same time most troublesome. Ross’ Goose (ROGO) is very similar to the Lesser and can only be distinguished by close observation. Both the Lesser and the Ross nest in salt marshes along Hudson Bay and then migrate down to the gulf coast states such as Texas and Louisiana. Their populations number in the millions. The third sub species is the Greater Snow Goose. They nest in the same marshes as the others except they migrate down the Atlantic Coast into the Carolinas and that vicinity. All three species have exploded in numbers since the 1950’s. Researchers have done a lot of study on the numbers and the degradation but may need to do more studies on the impact to other species and look for other options to control the populations. Population Trends The numbers of all "light" colored geese has been on the rise since data was first collected. The Lesser Snow Goose (LSGO) has drastically increased in number since data was first taken. Numbers range from around 800,000 in 1969 to as many as 6 million in 1996 (CWS 1999). While the Greater Snow Goose (GSGO) has risen in numbers from a few thousand to almost 500,000 (CWS 1999). This brief article did not provide much insight into actual numbers. Abraham and Jeffries in their report dig deeper and provide more significant and detailed population counts. Their numbers add in the Mid-winter index, which is the number of geese counted during mid-winter and referred to as MWI. Their numbers also have a count for Ross’ Goose (ROGO) which primarily flies with the (LSGO) and is very hard to distinguish (Abraham and Jeffries 1998). They too suggest the LSGO population to be aro... ...s will need to kill over 900,000 geese a year for over a decade to make any kind of dent in the population (Hodge 1999). Some are skeptical that hunters can take that many birds to begin with, let alone the fact that to many that seems like a merciless slaughter of innocent animals. Conclusion It appears that one thing is very clear†¦ there is an overpopulation of Snow Geese on the North American Continent. The situation is almost out of hand and something needs to be done fast. Although there has enough research on the fact that there are simply to many geese there really has not been enough on the impacts to other species, and what is the best way to take care of the problem. Both the US and the Canadian government seem to be on the right path to controlling this problem that humans have created. But more needs to be done. There just simply isn’t enough hunters around to take the proper amount of birds in a sporting manner. Wildlife managers are going to have to step in and take more radical measure to control this before its too late and we have lost all the habitat for the geese and all other habitants of the salt marshes of the Hudson Bay area.

Beowulf Essay

One of the main reasons we study literature from different cultures and different times is to learn about the people who wrote the stories down. From â€Å"Beowulf†, we can speculate on the values, religion and culture of Anglo-Saxon people through the values of allegiance to lord and king, love of glory as the ruling motive of every noble life, and the inevitability of fate. In Beowulf the warriors were sworn to protect and serve their lord and in exchange for such allegiance. Hrothgar was expected to bestow riches and social standing upon them. This allegiance and reward is an important theme in the book. Loyalty was shown to Hrothgar by his warriors so he built Herot for their convenience. Wiglaf returned to Beowulf despite his men’s decision to turn their back on him during his time of need because he is loyal to Beowulf. Anglo-Saxons believed in allegiance to their lord and king so they would be rewarded with protection Love of glory, fame, and recognition was important to the Anglo-Saxon culture. Beowulf displays examples of boasting. He shows his heroic characteristics as he boasts before Hrothgar and first says, â€Å"Hail, Hrothgar! † He also portrays heroism as he come across Unferth, where explaining the swimming event with Brecca allowed him to boast about his strength and physical abilities. After defeating Grendel he displays Grendel’s arm to show his victory. Fate is what determines one’s future, success or failure, is an often used aspect throughout this epic. Beowulf symbolizes fate as the determining factor of who will win the battle saying that God will decide what will happen. Allegiance to lord and king, Love of glory as the ruling motive of every noble life, and the overall belief in the inevitability of fate were the main Anglo-Saxon ideals. Fate is a matter of interpretation depending on the religious background of a person. Fate can not be controlled. â€Å"Life can seem as a simple strategy game and those who place their game pieces in the best position are to be successful and essentially heroic. †

Luxury consumer behavior in Mainland China Essay

China recently became the world’s second largest market for luxury goods with an annual increase of more than 30% in 2010, even surpassing Japan. Further estimates predict that China will become the largest upscale product and consumer goods market in the world. How does a country with an average GDP per capita of $3,800 USD, and classified behind 105 in the world ranking possess such a strong propensity for consuming luxury goods and products? Specifically, how does one make sense of Mainland Chinese luxury buyers and their respective consumer behavior? This article answers these strategic questions for foreign companies and marketers who are interested in the luxury industry in China, and for those who want to develop a greater understanding of one of the world’s largest market and its 1. 3 billion consumers. â€Å"At the core of this paper is an explanation of Mainland China’s 21st century value system that can only have been shaped from the country’s rich history. † At the core of this paper is an explanation of Mainland China’s 21st century value system that can only have been shaped from the country’s rich history. Answering how China has become the buoyant socialist state economy it is today, is to shed light onto the country’s various economic, social, cultural and psychological histories. The history of luxury consumption in China is one of the country’s oldest. It remains deeply rooted into China’s cultural and sociological landscape and has subsequently influenced other Asian countries such as Japan, Korea, Vietnam, Thailand, Malaysia and Singapore. The contemporary Chinese antique market and auction houses offer a telling explanation of how luxury is consumed in China. During the economic downtown, collections of Chinese antiquities were sold at Christie’s auction house for far more than their estimated value. In 2009, a 12th-century B. C. bronze vessel from the Western Zhou Dynasty sold for over 14 times its estimated value. These antique collectors are, in large part, Chinese or Asian. Collecting an expensive, storied antique is viewed in a similar vein to purchasing a luxury good. To own an artifact at home was tantamount in grandeur to that displayed by museums around the world that also housed ancient Chinese art collections. In sharp contrast, during China’s Cultural Revolution from 1966 to 1976, tradition and Chinese cultural heritage was viewed negatively as something boring, worthless, and divisive. History and heritage were destroyed in favor of new equalizing ideology. The Cultural Revolution created a cultural void, and those affected would go on to be known as the ‘lost generation’. Currently in their 50s, some members of the ‘lost generation’ have attained new wealth. They partake in the purchasing of luxury goods, and often lack subtlety. They are ostentatious and inherently possess a skewed view of what is traditional or socially accepted, subsequently explaining for very extravagant behavior. A few examples include the rebuilding of the Chateau de Maison Laffitte of Paris in a suburb of Beijing, or one wealthy man’s endeavors to build an exact replica of the U. S. President’s White House in a rural area of Anhui province. The underlying theme is the Mainland Chinese desire to mimic emblems of power from Western culture. â€Å"Today, the Mainland Chinese consumer’s 21st century value system is comprised of three salient parts: the traditional Chinese value system persists, the socialist Chinese value system (dominant), and the Western value system which is often regarded like a trend. † As the West represents advanced technology, super powers and modern values, the majority of Mainland Chinese seek to pursue these values the best they can. Therefore the pursuit of Western values can be said to have a strong influence on the Chinese consumer value system. Today, the Mainland Chinese consumer’s 21st century value system is comprised of three salient parts: the traditional Chinese value system persists, the socialist Chinese value system (dominant), and the Western value system which is often regarded like a trend. The updated Chinese socialist value system of Deng’s reform and opening policy brings modernity, wealth, achievement and success, while the Western values bring personal liberty, post-modernism, also modernity, achievement and success. Together, the Chinese consumer’s 21st century value system is a veritable melting pot; strong values of modernity, wealth and success are dominant. Thus, the pursuit of modernity, wealth and success remains the key in explaining luxury consumer behavior in Mainland China. From this explanation of the dominant set of values within Chinese society, it is hardly surprising to discover that Mainland China’s car sales in 2009 averaged 13 million, even exceeding car sales in the U. S.. Additionally, sales for German car manufacturer Mercedes Benz went up 77%. Deng’s Open reform policy in 1978 allowed for individuals to pursue wealth through various means. Economic development transformed the social structure from a model that was horizontally equal to that of vertical extension and growth. Now, after three decades of inexistence from 1950 to 1980, social classes have reemerged. During the following three decades from 1980s to 2010, social wealth increased by an average 10% of growth each year. The Mainland Chinese consumer saw better financial opportunity and became increasingly wealthy. Financial and career success and achievements naturally became a way for people to distinguish themselves from others. It became de rigueur to openly display a person’s individual success, and luxury goods and designer brands effectively communicated status and wealth. However, at the core of this newfound wealth and status was the honest pursuit of better living conditions. Better living conditions meant for higher quality products and upscale brands. Therefore, international luxury brands perfectly fulfilled the needs of Mainland Chinese consumers from all angles – cultural, social, and economic – attributing for a more modern, powerful, and self-confident approach to life. â€Å"At the core of this newfound wealth and status was the honest pursuit of better living conditions. Better living conditions meant for higher quality products and upscale brands. † In Mainland China, one may see a person carrying an authentic Louis Vuitton bag while riding a crowded, public bus somewhere in the rural countryside. Luxury goods are consumed on a mass level, and are not confined to a select few. The central cause for an increased consumption of luxury products results from the country’s socialist value system. During the transitional period from a pure planned system to a market-driven economy, consumers inherently retained the idea of equality. Government authorities also try to maintain and communicate that equality in Mainland China is crucial to national identity. Based on steady economic development and a newfound consumer confidence towards the future’s potential, Mainland Chinese consumers believe that they are, in essence, the same as each other. Even if they cannot afford a luxury brand item today, they will save up several months of savings to eventually have it. It is important to note that all Chinese luxury consumers do not aim to show off. There is a homogenous identity and behavioral patterns that come with new wealth. However, only focusing on this collective homogenous identity, and not pay attention on the differences would cause a marketing plan to fail. The Mainland Chinese market is large and sophisticated enough to use multi-criteria methods to understanding its various crossed aspects, such as psychographic, geographic and demographic aspects. Psychographically, consumers are different from socio-psychological and cultural attitudes towards luxury point of views. These psychographic variables segment in the market into four groups known as luxury lovers, luxury followers, luxury intellectuals and luxury laggards with three dimensions according to the different psychographic aspects: collectivism-individualism, analytical-impulsive thinking, conspicuousness-functionality for luxury goods. Geographically, the regional differences in China (in terms of climates, cultural customs and languages) are varied; they are the equivalent to the collective differences found throughout Europe. China can also be divided into four large regions: North, South, East and West. Cities within a given region can be further classified into tiered cities according to city’s level of economic development. Demographically, the factors classify naturally consumers into traditional groups. For the purposes of this paper, the research sample used is meaningful for study as the income levels are controlled at ten times the national average income. This ensures luxury consumption because of the sample’s disposable income level and the easy affordability of luxury goods. Age is also controlled in the range of 25 to 45 years of age in order to be sure that the sample belongs to members of Mainland China’s new generation, avoiding the inclusion of members from the ‘lost generation’ entirely. All sample participants were educated at the university level and possessed an undergraduate degree. The psychographic segmentation of Chinese luxury consumers as luxury lovers, luxury followers, luxury intellectuals and luxury laggards cross with geographic factors to show the regional distribution difference of the four groups in various parts of the Mainland Chinese market. The results can be found in Table I and Table II. Table I: Psychographic Segmentation of Chinese Luxury Consumers Table II: Chinese Luxury Consumer Segmentation Geographical Distribution in China The segmentation proves the heterogeneity of Chinese luxury consumers although conspicuousness is dominant for luxury lovers and followers, representing 31. 2% of the total market in first tier cities. Still, conspicuousness is very visible and serves as motivation especially among ‘first movers’ for purchasing new products. First movers are often portrayed by the media as opinion leaders, and are they are tactfully used to influence the market. However, intellectuals and laggards focusing on functionality and individualism are still the main dominant groups for luxury consumers in China even in first tier cities. Why are luxury’s main consumers still quiet and conservative about their attitude towards luxury goods? â€Å"After the initial introduction of international luxury brands in China, the curiosity of Mainland Chinese consumers wore off as they began to seriously confront the psychological discomfort associated with the absence of a Chinese luxury brand. † The conservative conspicuousness is coming from the cultural and psychological contradiction: 1) the admiration of ancient China’s luxury lifestyle influences the luxury pursuit today. Currently, luxury brands are widely available from many foreign countries, such as France, Italy, and Switzerland. After the initial introduction of international luxury brands in China, the curiosity of Mainland Chinese consumers wore off as they began to seriously confront the psychological discomfort associated with the absence of a Chinese luxury brand. Why was there no Chinese brand capable of carrying out the essence of luxury found in ancient Chinese culture? 2) Chinese tradition encourages people to be benign and to not have an extravagant life. Exercising frugality and discreetness are seen as the proper way for a person to behave in society. This virtue of frugality and discreetness is also the socially accepted norm by the Chinese socialist value system. Therefore, frugality and discreetness received two confirmations from two value systems (tradition and socialist) in comparison to modernity, wealth and achievement values, which were confirmed twice by socialist and western value systems. As a result, the internal psychological values within the 21st century value system of Mainland China are conflicted. This conflict is reflected in the attitudes and behaviors of its consumers, especially in regard to the luxury market, and accounts for the following: an ambivalent attitude towards luxury consumption and psychological dissonance after purchasing. An exception is gift giving or special product categories. â€Å"The conflict of having a centralized power structure versus liberty and an openness of the market creates individual wealth while limiting the expression of wealth and status. † Conservative conspicuousness can also be understood by the unique socialist system within Mainland China’s market-drive economy. The conflict of having a centralized power structure versus liberty and an openness of the market creates individual wealth while limiting the expression of wealth and status. Those consumers who are typically found in politics or a government related environment are said to be luxury intellectuals. In this setting, wealth should not be overtly expressed or shown off to others. Products that are discreetly designed, such as ties, scarves, business suits, or handbags without logos are most popular. Alternatively, if an individual outside of politics consumes luxury products, it is most likely that he or she is a luxury lover or follower. (Please see Table III) Table III: The Conservative Conspicuousness of Chinese Luxury Consumers The potential for luxury industries to thrive in the Mainland Chinese market is high. With steady economic development, more information on luxury goods readily available online and offline, the increasing relevance of e-commerce, and a greater awareness for a higher quality of life, consumerism will propel to the center of this dynamic market. As consumers get more savvy and sophisticated, the Mainland Chinese market will, in due time, be much more difficult and complicated to operate. About the author Pierre Xiao LU is Assistant Professor of Marketing at School of Management of Fudan University in Shanghai. He specializes in luxury consumer behavior study, luxury brand management and selective retailing. His theories about Chinese consumer formed the fundamental understanding for international brands towards this market and largely adopted by successful upscale brands. Before he joins Fudan University, he received his PhD in marketing from ESSEC Paris where he is visiting professor of LVMH Chair and of its Asian campus in Singapore. Lu is author of â€Å"Elite China, Luxury Consumer Behavior in China† and co-author of â€Å"Luxury China, Market Opportunities and Potentials†. He can be reached at xiaolu@fudan. edu. cn. References †¢ Michel Chevalier and Pierre Xiao Lu, Luxury China, Market Opportunities and Potentials, Wiley and sons, 2010 †¢ Jacques Gernet, Le Monde Chinois, Paris: Armand Colin, 1999 †¢ Alexandra Peers, What’s Still Recession-Proof, The Wall Street Journal, September 24, 2009 †¢ Pierre Xiao Lu, Elite China, Luxury Consumer Behavior in China, Wiley and Sons, 2008 †¢ China car sales top U. S. by Gilles Guillaume, Reuters, January 11, 2010 †¢Ã¢â‚¬ ¢ http://www. reuters. com/article/idUSTRE60A1BQ20100111 †¢ Mercedes-Benz says 2009 China sales up 77 percent, Reuters, January 11, 2010 †¢Ã¢â‚¬ ¢ http://www. reuters. com/article/idUSTRE60B0EY20100112 †¢ Pierre Bordieux, Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste, London: Routledge, 1984 †¢ Pierre Xiao Lu, Elite China, Luxury Consumer Behavior in China, Wiley and Sons, 2008 †¢ Michel Chevalier and Pierre Xiao Lu, Luxury China, Market Opportunities and Potentials, Wiley and sons, 2010 †¢ Pierre Xiao Lu and Benard Pras, Profiling Mass Affluent Luxury Goods Consumers in China: a Psychographic Approach, Thunderbird International Business Review, forthcoming.